100 years of the RSS: In his lecture in August 2025, Mohan Bhagwat reconsiders Muslims' place in Hindu Rashtra as being culturally connected with Hindus. Examine the changes in philosophy under the six Sarsanghchalaks, from Bhagwat's focus on harmony to Hedgewar's appeal for unification. Controversies, history, and current concerns.
The Afterlife: The Mysteries of 'Hindu Rashtra' and Muslims
Return to the birthplace of the RSS: The group was founded out of a deep-seated fear of dispersion, among the ashes of the Khilafat Movement and the danger of Partition. Its first Sarsanghchalak, Dr. K.B. Hedgewar, imagined a disciplined Hindu society to combat what he perceived as dividing forces, namely the separatism of the Muslim League. Even so, the plan for a "Hindu Rashtra" was a confession for cultural unity in a multicultural country rather than a single entity. Despite independence, crackdowns during the Emergency, and the Ayodhya comeback, the question remains: Is this Rashtra a family or a castle? From Arundhati Roy to Ambedkar, critics have traditionally portrayed it as the former—a supremacist ideology that marginalizes minorities. However, RSS insiders respond with stories of service, such as blood banks for all religions and disaster aid in Keralan mosques. As always, the gray areas, which are honed by the perspectives of each leader, contain the truth.
Let's move on to August 26, 2025: Bhagwat did not avoid the explosive device during a ceremony in Delhi that marked the beginning of the RSS's year-long anniversary. He said calmly while he was encouraged "The idea that Islam will vanish here is not guided by Hindu thought." He called a shared vigilance and depicted invasion that hurts Muslims as well, covering not only borders but also cultural loss. In addition, he made the distinctions unclear: Born on this land, Indian Islam shares the ancient culture of the subcontinent with Hinduism. A shared 'we' under the egalitarian Rashtra umbrella, not an us-versus-them situation. Shakhas have cheered and drawing rooms have been suspicious due to overstatement; is it assimilation or optics?
The Blueprint of Bhagwat: Peace Over Domination
Bhagwat's remarks were part of a developing story and weren't random. He stressed, "Hindu Rashtra isn't about power or exclusion—it's rooted in justice, equality, and walking together," setting it apart from the nation-state arrogance of the West. He went on to say that rather than dominating the country, Hindus have a duty to ensure its well-being. Bhagwat presented minorities as cultural kin—Muslims, Christians, all Indians—bound by bharatiyata, echoing Savarkar's Hindutva but reducing its edges. It's a reference to outreach organizations like the Rashtriya Muslim Manch, which hosts skill training and cricket camps to attract Muslim youth. However, as Frontline points out, this coincides with an increase in lynchings and CAA discussions, which raises questions: Is it a PR trick on deeper divisions or is it real bridge-building?
A Century's Arc: How the Muslim Question Was Reshaped by Six Leaders
Rewind through the six Sarsanghchalaks of the RSS to understand the change. Each one is a product of its time, modifying the ideology like a generation-old family recipe.
• K.B. Hedgewar: The builder (1925–1940). He viewed Muslims through the lens of past invasions and emphasized Hindu unity against "external threats" amid communal violence. The subtext—unity first, integration later—was evident despite the lack of obvious exclusion.
• M.S. Golwalkar: The ideologue (1940–1973). Unapologetic, his 'Bunch of Thoughts' advised minorities to follow Hinduism or suffer penalties. He viewed Muslims as constant suspects after the Partition, which fueled the RSS's initial limitations. Rashtra the Hindu? A monolith of culture, with limited space for disagreement.
• M.D. Deoras: The bridge-builder (1973–1994). He changed course after the emergency and wrote open letters encouraging the RSS to reach out to Muslims and Dalits. During the Mandal storm, the motto "service to all" grew more common, softening the edges of Golwalkar.
• K.S. Sudarshan (1994-2009) and Rajendra Singh (Karyavah) are transitional figures. While Sudarshan played with anti-conversion campaigns but emphasized national integration, Singh grew internationally. Here, the Ayodra movement reached its highest point, combining passion with appeals for communication.
• Mohan Bhagwat: The harmony man (2009–present). He's traveled from criticizing "love jihad" early on to advocating diversity in 2018, but now, it's all about working together. He reconsiders Indians (including Muslims) as "culturally Hindu," which is a smart fusion without coercion, as Outlook notes. Supporters call it evolution, while critics label it doublespeak.
What was different? practicality. The RSS reflected India's confusion, from colonial injuries to economic booms, from Hedgewar's defensive crouch to Bhagwat's extended palm. The 1948 ban and other scandals forced reflection, while electoral alliances required diplomacy. The core—Hindutva as statecraft—remains, despite the group's complaints, with Muslims frequently serving as the benchmark test.
2025 Echoes: Harmony or Discord?
Bhagwat's vision is at a crossroads as the number of RSS shakhas rises to 70,000 across the country. The BJP attempts to reinvent itself with its third term and century celebrations: The protector of inclusive growth, not the devil of secular anxieties. There are different views among Muslims; one imam in Lucknow praises the outreach, while another activist in Delhi calls it "tokenism amid bulldozer justice." These words have the power to either heal or haunt a divided India.
There is no doubt that the discussion is far from over, even after a century. It serves as a reminder that ideologies, like rivers, gradually create new, sometimes peaceful, sometimes violent routes. How do you interpret the olive branch offered by Bhagwat? Let's work together to discover this saffron mystery; share your comments below.
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